﻿WEBVTT

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<v ->Welcome once again as MIT professor Paul Samuelson</v>

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discusses the current economic scene.

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This series is produced

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by Instructional Dynamics Incorporated.

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Professor Samuelson, near the midpoint of the third quarter,

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how does the recovery look?

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<v ->This is a good time to take stock.</v>

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I have before me a series of the newest forecasts for the

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next year and beyond by the usual consensus forecasters.

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I have the brand new Wharton School forecast,

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the Albert Summers private forecast from the conference

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board, the new Chase Econometrics forecast,

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the new DRI forecast, and they all tell pretty much

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the same story, they all are fairly in agreement that

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we reach bottom some time around May,

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that we are now in the first year of a recovery.

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And I would have to say that by and large, the new batch

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of forecasts are a little bit more optimistic,

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a little bit more expansionary in terms of real growth,

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a little bit more sanguine with respect to the developments

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of the unemployment rate than the last ones.

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These consensus forecasters move, but they move like a

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glacier pursuing a reality as it develops.

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Now, you may ask are they, other than reacting to the

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fact that their hopes that we would have a turn seem

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now to have been confirmed?

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And I guess I would reply to that leading question,

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yes, they've taken courage, bottle courage you might say,

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from the fact that what they thought was going to happen

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has happened.

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But I would hasten to point out that that is necessarily

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irrational, that there is a great deal of momentum in any

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business cycle situation, and if you do finally get

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a peak at a turn in process, that should probably,

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rationally, lift your conditional probabilities.

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I used to say, you've heard me say it, that in the first

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year of a recovery, the consensus forecasters are sort

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of looking to six to seven percent real growth in the first

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12 months after the middle of 1975, and for some policy

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makers, this ought to be a little bit on the low side.

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Of course, it's reassuring as against those who fear the

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continuation of the slide, and it's also reassuring as

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against those who thought that we were in for a very anemic

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recovery.

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I think if I were to take an average of all the different

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variants of the forecasters who's names I've mentioned,

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that the mean number now would

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come to at least seven percent.

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I testified before the joint economic committee not very

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long ago, and I was asked what a good target would be,

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and I this time chose the avenue of the moderation,

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and said that the seven percent real growth was a suitable

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target at this time.

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You may say is seven percent really a moderate figure?

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Well, let me simply reply that in the

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locker rooms that I frequent, it's considered a fairly

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modest thing and I've been berated if not reproached

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by some of my peers and colleagues that I didn't

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come out for eight percent and even nine percent.

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Well, a number of the forecasters have quarters,

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single quarters in the next four quarters, which

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in real terms are in the ballpark figure of two digits.

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Ten percent.

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The Ray Fair Model, which is a non-judgmental model,

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which compared to most of the names that I've mentioned,

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is a model of a few variables, it has a 12% rate of real

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growth in one of these last two quarters of the year,

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mostly due to the inventory turn around, kind of a slingshot

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effect, from the inventory deacumulation.

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We ought to take off our hat to that model,

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or we ought to take off our hat, because the model

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is now dying, this was its last forecast, professor

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Fair has I think been doing this more or less on his own,

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and it isn't so much that he's gotten tired of doing it on

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his own as that he is now working on a new model which he

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thinks is a better model.

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In his post-mortem, in his requiem eulogy of the Fair model,

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He said that in terms of its X-post forecasting record,

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that is if you put into the model, the correct exogenous

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factors after you know what they're going to be,

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and don't have to rely as he did on

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forecasting the exogenous factors from the unknowable,

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that it did pretty well.

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That it does as well as the X-post non-judgmental use

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of the more elaborate models.

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Hope that's not true, because it seems to me, and I

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say this in no spirit of criticism, that the Fair Model

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has been an extremely interesting experiment,

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but that it's been a disappointing experiment.

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It has shown us that without judgment, you do very badly

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in forecasting.

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I don't know how good the formal models are of the consensus

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forecasters, the Wharton model, the Chase model, the DRI

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model, but I do know that the people who massage those

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models, who adjust their constants, are quite well informed

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on what is happening.

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And there is serial, positive serial correlation and

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momentum and drift, so that you can extrapolate from what's

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happening, and so they do very much better.

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I would, for example, be inclined not on this occasion,

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but just in season and out of season to bet against

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that 12% number.

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It's just too big a shift in a short period of time.

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I think the Fair Model tells us something, a little,

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about the merits of big models versus small models.

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You know, you can have a model which is so big it just

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falls of its own weight.

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There was the famous social science research council

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Brookings model.

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It had some of the best Lieutenant Colonels, Majors,

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Generals, that we have in the econometrics army,

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but it was so big you could hardly test for its own

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consistency except for a run through the model.

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It was not good for short run forecasting and it was not

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good for long run forecasting.

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So some people said, what you really need is a two or

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three equation model.

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The Fair model is in that direction, and it has not,

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I think, done very well, certainly in X-anti forecasting.

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Which is what its main use has been.

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It's been discontinued.

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It's the same thing that's happened to the St. Louis

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Reduced Form Monatrist model.

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It certainly is simple in terms of number of equations,

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and it has done very poorly, even more poorly than the

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Fair model, and it too I think is now discontinued as

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far as published forecast.

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There is a new version of the equations which has been

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published by Dr. Lino Anderson, but I no longer get

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forecasts that tell me from quarter to quarter what's gonna

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happen to money GMP, what's gonna happen to real GMP,

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what's going to happen to the rate of increase in

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prices, and that's of course, what we would hope from

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a monatrist model.

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In the black book in which I keep all the forecasts that

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I learn anything about, I think actually the federal reserve

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bank of St. Louis has the largest squared error for the

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last half of 75, 74.

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The last half of 74 surprised everybody in its virulence.

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I think there's no exception to that statement.

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Nobody, even some of us who were on the pessimistic side

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say at the summit in September of 1975, none of us could

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foresee just how rapidly the economy would slide.

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But some of us had bigger squared errors than others,

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and it was from the federal reserve bank of St. Louis

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that of all the forecasts in my collection, both was

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respected a qualitative tone of the situation, and for

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the quantitative detail that was the largest in error.

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You can't prove anything by these simple little experiments,

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maybe if you continue them over many lifetimes, there will

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be, for the joy of judgment and eclectic discernment, a

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moral that will gradually emerge, but for whatever it's

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been worth, the experiment with the small models seems

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to have suggested that in this season, I mean now, the last

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three, four, five years, times when we certainly have been

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very desirous of getting good forecasts,

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they have done statistically, significantly worse than

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the other models.

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Well, we'll make of that what we can.

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The fact that the consensus forecasters have got their

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courage back and are looking for a fairly vigorous

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recovery, that same news, and that same feeling has spread

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through the country.

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The various indicators of consumer sentiment have shown a

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rapid rebound in consumers sentiment.

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The concern which was very widespread at the turn of the

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year, that the government wouldn't do anything about the

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deepening depression, not just recession, and that we

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would have a domino effect, slide into something like the

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1930s maybe with some real epidemics of bankruptcy and

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even of bank failures, that concern has been soft-peddled.

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The pragmatic effect of all this of course, has been one of

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the most rapid percentage rises in the United States stock

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market that you can find in the history books, from the lows

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of last December until recent times, and the stock market

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seems almost like Moses, you remember that he could lead

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god's chosen people for 40 years through the wastelands,

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but when the promised land was in sight, it was not given

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to Moses to lead his people in, and he had to turn that

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job over to Joshua or Aaron or somebody or other.

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Well the stock market seems to be able to sniff at

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any impending recovery, and to make very substantial

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progress.

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But just as the fact of the recovery was confirming itself

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to the rational eye, the market began to move sidewards,

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and even to lose ground.

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It is a possible explanation, it's so simple that I hesitate

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to give it, but I think I can overcome my hesitation and

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give it.

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There is a view, a moralistic view, that in order to know

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whether stocks will go up or down, all you have to do

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is to know what's happening to interest rates.

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Particularly volatile, short-term interest rates.

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When interest rates go down, stocks will go up,

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when interest rates go up, stocks will go down.

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It's surprising how far in the last decade, that simplest

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view would carry you.

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You've heard me mention that I know some people in New

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York who ask my advice at intervals, and they operate almost

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exclusively in terms of this simple relationship.

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And I keep telling them, it's too simple, there are more

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factors involved than this one factor, and yet they so

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to speak laugh all the way to and from the bank, because it

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has done very well for them, and done very well for them

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at a time when very few people are doing at all well.

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Why did interest rates go down last fall?

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They went down because the economy was going to hell

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in a basket, at an unprecedented and unpredicted rate.

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Strange for the stock market to go down, to go up,

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when the economy is going down.

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Nigh impossible to provide an explanation, but at first

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blush, it would seem a little bit pickwickian or ironical.

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Similarly, why are interest rates now going up?

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That's a subject which I want to discuss in some detail.

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But certainly an important aspect of the picture is the fact

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that everybody now believes that the economy has made its

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recovery, that the slide is over.

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We're no longer sliding downward.

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And therefore, given the way the federal reserve maintains

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its posture with respect to the money market,

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this tends to create conditions which I'll describe in a

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second, which tend to tighten interest rates.

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Never the less, do you want to be smart?

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Do you want to be deep?

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Do you want to be understanding and perceptive?

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Or do you want to be rich?

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I'm of course, suggesting, because I really don't

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believe that the new formula, the new philosopher's stone

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has been found, that you can just blindly watch to see

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what interest rates do and then do the opposite with respect

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to stocks.

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But it is interesting that the stock market has not been

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able to make headway since the Dow Jones' peaked out

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at about 880, just at a time when the money market has

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convinced itself that the federal reserve is tightening up.

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The money market does believe this, and let me just read

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from the Salomon brothers weekly comments on credit.

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This one is written by Henry Kaufman, a name respected

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and revered in the money market.

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It comes at the end of July, and it's therefore not out

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of season yet.

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Comments on credit, Vigorous Monatrism is the title.

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"Through a dramatic series of actions, and the congressional

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testimony of its chairman this week," that's Burns, "the

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federal reserve gave notice to the market that it intends

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to pursue a much stricter monatrist policy than in the

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past."

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I think that adjective, monatrist is regrettable,

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because its a stricter policy with respect to the interest

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rates as well as with respect to just the money aggregates.

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"This means their attempt to hold relatively short-term

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trends in the monetary aggregates within moderate bounds,

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even if that means typing money market conditions in the

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earliest stages of economic recovery.

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Successive fed open market interventions this week confirm

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resoundingly that the authorities were raising their

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target for the fed fund's rate, which for some time had

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centered around 6%.

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On Monday," this is the last week in July, "the fed sold

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a substantial volume of treasury bills for cash, when

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fed funds were quoted 16% on Tuesday, they consummated

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reverse repos with funds at six-and-a-sixth percent.

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On Wednesday, authorities entered the market to provide

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reserves only after the funds hit six-and-a-half percent."

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Well, why is the fed moving its interest rate target upward?

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Undoubtedly, it's doing so because it has been somewhat

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frightened by what maintaining its previous lower targets

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seemed to be doing to the rate of growth of money supply.

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We had a rates of growth of money supply in short periods

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of time, which were 14%, in shorter periods of time which

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were 20% annual rate, and since the fed has given as its

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goal, under pressure of congress, congressional committees

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to get a goal that the money supply, M1 say, is to grow

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from five to seven-and-a-half percent in the period,

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or first they said for March to March, but now from the

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second quarter of 1975 to the second quarter of 1976,

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and since they were, as the economy was making its turn,

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and as the federal government was pumping money into the

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economy, at its peak rate, in the second quarter of the

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year, the annual rate of the fiscal deficit, if you use

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that as a rough measure of fiscal stimulus, fiscal

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deficit on the national income account, it peaked out

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at the second quarter at 100 billion dollars.

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It will be, would be a lesson then on a year's basis,

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and it's no coincidence that the turn of the economy was

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confirmed, the fiscal stimulus had something to do with

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confirming that in the face of an unprecedentedly large

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inventory deaccumulation.

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Well, the fed had realized that this would be a situation

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which would probably, unless interest rates were allowed

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or forced sky-high, cause a monatrist to have his

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hair curl, that it would be a very rapid short-term

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rates of growth in M1, and so they were prepared, as

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I remember it, for a number above their target of seven-

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and-a-half percent, the upper interval.

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But they weren't prepared for twice that amount,

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or even more, and so it kinda scared them, particularly

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since they know the monatrists are gonna be on their tail

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very soon, once those numbers get out, and nothing is new,

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everybody is on the federal reserve's tail, the economists

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who want a vigorous expansion complain when the

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federal reserve lets interest rates, short-term interest

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rates go up, the monatrists complain when they don't let

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them go up if the price of not letting them go up is to have

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increase in the money supply, and congress, now, is looking

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over if not the day-to-day activities of the federal

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reserve, certainly the month-to-month activities.

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I wouldn't say by the way, that congress are doing it in

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a particularly informed way, but we have only one democracy

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and we have to work with the democracy that we do have.

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Well, it'll be interesting to see how the recovery actually

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does develop in comparison with the average of all post-war

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recoveries and with the special features looked forward

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to by the forecasters with the best betting average.

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Let me just turn from the future, to mention something

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extremely interesting, the unemployment numbers as reported

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for July came in with a pleasant surprise.

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Let me just review, in May, the unemployment rate leaped

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up to 9.1%, and it was thought that that number had a bad

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seasonal correction in it, and was a little higher than

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it ought to be, so the punitive, genuine rate, if you had

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a good seasonal correction, was expected by experts

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to be in the ballpark of 8.9%.

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Mr. Julius Shiskin, the commissioner of labor statistics,

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who I must say has been conducting himself well among other

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things, very cautiously, at this stage of the game,

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he hasn't even to admit that there has been an upturn.

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Well, Mr. Shiskin warned us to expect that the June number

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would fall, and that wouldn't represent all that much of

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an improvement, it would just represent a correction of a

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correction, of something that needed to be corrected.

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While the June number did fall, and it fell perhaps a little

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bit more than he had warned us of, it fell from 9.1%

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as I remember, to 8.6%, but we could all say to ourself,

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aha, it's still consistent with 8.8, 8.9%, and people like

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me as when I testified before congress, said the

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unemployment has probably been lagging, so it's going

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to peak out a little bit above nine percent.

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But then, just a week or so ago, we got the July number,

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and the July number showed a further drop, not a rise,

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a further drop from 8.6% to I guess it was 8.4% in the

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rate of unemployment, and it was also a drop that in part

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was due to an increase in employment, not just an increment

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of discouraged workers, et cetera, et cetera.

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Now, the evidence is by no means all conclusive,

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because we have two ways of estimating employment from the

347
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sample of asking people and also from establishment data,

348
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and they show some disagreement.

349
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Nevertheless, it looks, now, as if it's a plausible

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hypothesis that the 9.1% number in May was the aberration,

351
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and maybe that'll be the peak of unemployment, and maybe

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unemployment is almost already on its way down.

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And of course, I think that's very good news, because

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one of the worst aspects of all the forecasts including the

355
00:26:57.510 --> 00:27:02.510
optimistic ones, has been that only very slowly do we bring

356
00:27:03.470 --> 00:27:08.470
the rate of unemployment down to eight percent, say some

357
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time next spring, and very slowly down to seven-and-a-half

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percent, say about the time of the election, November, 1976,

359
00:27:21.190 --> 00:27:26.190
and it'll be a long, long day on that scenario, until we

360
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get the unemployment rate even down six percent.

361
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But, you see now, it looks as if we have gained maybe

362
00:27:36.470 --> 00:27:41.470
as much as a half a percent in comparison with what were

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00:27:43.420 --> 00:27:46.980
reasonably dire forecasts before, and I have to regard

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that as good news, after all, it is the unemployment

365
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which is the greatest human cost of the way we've chosen

366
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to fight inflation.

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I mustn't conclude without using the last minute to discuss

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inflation.

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Here, the consensus forecasters are really, fairly far

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apart.

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The hardest thing in the world for economists to forecast

372
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is prices.

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It's ironical.

374
00:28:21.150 --> 00:28:23.070
Chase is very pessimistic.

375
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Chase thinks that the rate of increase in prices will

376
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be eight percent, even nine percent, that this will

377
00:28:31.590 --> 00:28:33.730
feed into short-term interest rates and even into

378
00:28:33.730 --> 00:28:37.063
long-term interest rates, and is doing so already.

379
00:28:38.264 --> 00:28:40.510
On the other hand, there are students of the labor

380
00:28:40.510 --> 00:28:44.130
market, like Robert Gordon in Northwestern University,

381
00:28:44.130 --> 00:28:47.660
and Robert Hall, my own colleague here at MIT, who think

382
00:28:47.660 --> 00:28:51.610
with all this slack, that it is bringing down the rate

383
00:28:51.610 --> 00:28:54.750
of increase in wages and in prices, and I have heard

384
00:28:54.750 --> 00:28:56.690
from such people, I don't recall either of those

385
00:28:56.690 --> 00:29:00.610
two gentlemen, 'cause I haven't checked with them recently,

386
00:29:00.610 --> 00:29:05.090
that by the last quarter of the year, we might well see

387
00:29:05.090 --> 00:29:09.130
a three-and-a-half percent, four percent rate of price

388
00:29:09.130 --> 00:29:10.023
inflation.

389
00:29:11.910 --> 00:29:14.020
Along comes the drought in the middle west,

390
00:29:14.020 --> 00:29:19.020
along comes the bad crop prospects in Russia, and

391
00:29:19.724 --> 00:29:23.067
we're again, off to the races with respect to

392
00:29:23.067 --> 00:29:27.600
grain prices and with respect to food prices generally.

393
00:29:27.600 --> 00:29:32.443
So I think I will maintain my agnosticism that the

394
00:29:34.360 --> 00:29:39.360
rate of inflation will continuously abate, and that

395
00:29:39.810 --> 00:29:42.720
the recession has all been for good purpose and

396
00:29:42.720 --> 00:29:45.130
is achieving that good purpose.

397
00:29:45.130 --> 00:29:49.620
I think that we will do well over the next year,

398
00:29:49.620 --> 00:29:52.330
if we're able to keep the rate of price inflation,

399
00:29:52.330 --> 00:29:55.825
as measured by the GMP deflator or the consumer price

400
00:29:55.825 --> 00:30:00.825
index, in the ballpark range of five or six percent, not

401
00:30:01.299 --> 00:30:05.021
three, four percent, and I think there's a chance that

402
00:30:05.021 --> 00:30:08.970
it might well be that seven or eight percent, particularly

403
00:30:08.970 --> 00:30:10.443
if oil is decontrolled.

404
00:30:12.270 --> 00:30:14.530
<v ->If you have any comments or questions for Professor</v>

405
00:30:14.530 --> 00:30:17.210
Samuelson, address them to Instructional Dynamics

406
00:30:17.210 --> 00:30:21.250
Incorporated, 450 East Ohio St. Chicago, Illinois,

407
00:30:21.250 --> 00:30:22.773
60611.

